As the Ethiopian Airlines Boeing 787-9 Dreamliner landed at Accra's Kotoka International Airport on Wednesday, May 27, 2026, loud cheers echoed from passengers on board the plane. They were among the first immigrants to Ghana Empty From South Africa, where a rise in anti-immigrant protests and mob violence has once again put the country in the global spotlight. Their return was more than an evacuation: it marks another chapter in the country's long and unresolved struggle with anti-African violence, a structural form of Afrophobia whose persistence threatens both continental integration and the ideals of Pan-African solidarity.
Protests began in late April and intensified in many places throughout May. They are emotionally charged, divisive narrative It has been promoted by anti-immigrant groups who have exploited the anger and frustration of ordinary South Africans, blaming foreigners for taking jobs, creating drug epidemics in townships and overburdening social services.
Most worrying, however, is his dangerous rhetoric, including direct action conscious style Door-to-door sweeps to identify undocumented immigrants have proven extremely effective in disrupting immigrants' lives and creating widespread insecurity. African citizens, including those receiving life-saving anti-retroviral treatment dragged out of hospitals While attacks on maternity clinics in Gauteng have left pregnant foreign women deprived of essential care. In KwaZulu-Natal, schoolchildren have been forced to stay at home. Now, anti-immigrant groups are issuing a June 30th last date Fears grow of a repeat of mass deportations 2008 massacre.
As tragic as these developments are, none of them are new. Since the fall of apartheid in 1994, South Africa has grappled with repeated waves of anti-immigrant sentiment and violence. There remained There were 1,295 violent incidents targeting migrants between 1994 and December 2025, resulting in 696 deaths and approximately 129,000 others being displaced. With a few minor exceptions, the targets have remained the same: African citizens of neighboring countries such as Lesotho, Mozambique and Zimbabwe, as well as citizens of other countries as far away as Ghana and Nigeria. This is why the language commonly used to describe these attacks should be examined closely.
Afro-phobia, not xenophobia
The term xenophobia has become an accepted label for recurring violence against immigrants in South Africa. Yet, to be precise, xenophobia refers to hostility towards foreigners in general. What persists in South Africa can be described as Afro-phobia Targeted bias against people of African descent. This distinction is significant in a country that originated as a settler colony and where black identity has long been negotiated against economically dominant white Africans.
The term also highlights parallel dynamics across the continent, where migration continues to inflame local tensions despite the African Union's (AU) aspirations for free movement and integration. Indeed, many African states also include ghana, Nigeria, piece of paperAnd tanzaniahas also conducted himself mass deportation Numbers of African immigrants during periods of economic hardship or political uncertainty.
Yet, it is only in South Africa that Afrophobia has acquired such repetitive, collective and intensely destructive power with elements of mob actions and vigilantes. This distinctiveness arises from the country's specific socio-economic context and the enduring legacy of apartheid. While democratic reforms eliminated legal segregation decades ago, the structural legacy of apartheid continues to shape South Africa's economy, making it one of the most unequal societies in the world. White South Africans, who make up about seven percent of the population, continue to control disproportionate share Of corporate money, land and capital. Meanwhile, black South Africans continue to face High unemployment and limited opportunities.
The South African government's response to this vicious violence has been marked by shocking discrepancies between the president's rhetoric and inadequate enforcement on the ground.
However, post-apartheid reform policies such as Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment and an extensive social grant system has helped Raise A layer of black middle class and elite, they have not fundamentally changed the structure of economic power where race and economic power are closely intertwined. It is no surprise that anti-immigrant sentiment and accusations that foreigners are taking jobs are widespread in the low-income townships where most black South Africans still find themselves decades later.
Despite the multiplicity of narratives, blaming immigrants for South Africa's social crisis remains a problem Cheat. About three croresImmigrants constitute less than five percent of South Africa's total population. population Of 62 million. Furthermore, two recent studies revealed That 'only four percent (of the working population) can be classified as international migrants.' And while international migrants often record lower unemployment rates than other groups, this is not because they are 'taking jobs' from South Africans but because they are more likely to accept precarious, informal and low-paid work without benefits or a formal contract.
The evidence also challenges another common charge that immigrants dominate local commerce and drive out South African entrepreneurs. In fact, less than two out of 10 Informal business owners were cross-border migrants, and migrant-owned businesses contribute Important for local economic activity.
Sadly, the South African government's response to this appalling violence has been remarkable shocking separation Between the President's rhetoric and inadequate implementation on the ground. At the same time, public statements of some government ministers also have done very little To calm the tension, some people also appeared to support violence. This weak and vague response has severely strained South Africa's relations with its neighbours, resulting in many African ambassadors and high commissioners boycotting 'Africa Day' events in South Africa in protest. This has also clearly provoked atheism Across Africa, a country whose black majority's struggle against apartheid attracted pan-Africanists and global solidarity is now linked to anti-immigrant attacks directed against fellow Africans.
A continental approach to action
Understandably, many African states want to find remedies for the violence suffered by their citizens. Demand for retaliatory action is growing across the region. This has increased fears of possible attacks on South African business interests abroad.
Strange as it may sound, it is important to emphasize that retaliating without exploring alternative remedial channels will only deepen the crisis while risking undermining the broader goal of continental unity. Despite increasing populist violence, only one third South Africa's adult population holds extremely negative views of international migrants and very few support the ongoing violence. Therefore, apart from tending to punish the entire population for the actions of a minority, excessive retaliatory measures may have the opposite effect and push the majority into the arms of rioters.
This is an opportunity that the African Union cannot miss to prove that it is not the toothless bulldog that many on the continent consider it to be.
Under the governing principles of the African Union, Member States have the responsibility to protect persons within their jurisdiction from all discrimination and harm, whether by state or non-state actors. Including mass deportation serious violation Article 12(5) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. Therefore, any violations committed by member states can be rectified within the mandate of the AU's Peace and Security Council or the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, with appropriate sanctions being awarded to the erring states along with necessary compensation for damages.
States like Ghana have already taken the lead. Earlier in May, Accra formally petitioned the AU, calling To strengthen its mechanisms to monitor the obligations of Member States under the Constitutional Act and the Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, establish a fact-finding mission to investigate the root causes of violence, and facilitate dialogue and reconciliation initiatives. So far, the AU has not issued a formal response, nor launched a formal investigation as requested. Instead, the continental body has scheduled the issue for formal debate on its agenda. Eighth Mid-Year Coordination Meeting Taking place on 27th June.
But needless to say, this is an opportunity the African Union cannot miss to prove that it is not the toothless bulldog that many on the continent consider it to be.